Soka Gakkai and Nichiren Shoshu - The Soka Gakkai’s Post-war Expansion |
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On
July 3, 1945, Josei Toda was released from the Toshima Penitentiary in Tokyo to
find his country burned to ashes, people in utter misery and destitution and the
Soka Gakkai nearly destroyed. Jailed in the same facility as his mentor,
Tsunesaburo Makiguchi, Toda read the Lotus Sutra and continued to chant Nam-myoho-renge-kyo
in his cell. His study and prayer in prison eventually led him to a profound
awakening - an awakening to his mission to spread the Daishonin’s Buddhism as
a leader of the Bodhisattvas of the Earth. These are the bodhisattvas described
in the Lotus Sutra who would become the sutra’s devout practitioners long
after the passing of Shakyamuni Buddha. Upon his release from prison, Toda was
resolved to realise the will of his late mentor, who had died in confinement,
and spread the Daishonin’s teaching throughout war-torn Japan. He wasted no
time in beginning the reconstruction of the Soka Gakkai. In
January 1946, Toda renamed the Soka Kyoiku Gakkai (‘Educational Society of
Value Creation’) the Soka Gakkai (‘Society of Value Creation’), indicating
his broader vision to promote the Daishonin’s Buddhism throughout all aspects
of society, beyond its application in education. He soon held discussion
meetings and led propagation efforts. In July 1949, he published Daibyakurenge,
the Soka Gakkai’s monthly study journal. In April 1951, he also began the
newspaper, Seikyo Shimbun. Toda
was inaugurated the second Soka Gakkai president on May 3, 1951. Approximately
3,080 members signed the petition for Toda’s inauguration. They represented
the active membership of the Gakkai. In his inaugural speech, Toda made a bold
declaration of his goal to achieve a membership of 750,000 households in his
lifetime: ‘While I am alive, I will achieve the propagation of 750,000
households by my own hand. If this cannot be achieved in my lifetime, please do
not hold my funeral. Just dispose of my body off the coast of Shinagawa’ (Complete
Works of Josei Toda, vol. 3, p. 433). With
its second president inaugurated, the Soka Gakkai launched full-fledged
activities to spread the Daishonin’s Buddhism. In response to Toda’s firm
resolve, Gakkai members exerted themselves in propagation. Many people began
taking faith in the Daishonin’s Buddhism each year. By the end of 1951, the
membership had grown to 5,700 households, by the end of 1952, to 22,000
households, in 1953, to 70,000 households, in 1954, to 170,000 households, and
by the end of 1955, to 300,000. Envisaging
a dramatic increase in membership, Josei Toda submitted a request to Nissho, the
sixty-fourth high priest, to transcribe a Gohonzon for the wide propagation of
the Daishonin’s Buddhism. In response, the high priest transcribed a Gohonzon
with the inscription, ‘For the achievement of the wide spread of the Great Law
through compassionate propagation’ and conferred it upon the Soka Gakkai on
May 20, 1951. This Gohonzon is symbolic of the Gakkai’s essential role, its
dedication to broadly disseminating the essence of Buddhism. The
Nichiren Shoshu priesthood and its temples sustained significant damage during
the war. While the head temple burnt down, many branch temples were destroyed in
air raids. Furthermore, in December 1945, Taiseki-ji lost its farmland in the
post-war agrarian reform, which the government was promoting as a part of the
nation’s democratisation. The landowners who rented out their land to tenant
farmers instead of farming themselves had to sell off their farmland to the
government at a fixed price. The government in turn sold those tracts of
farmland to tenant farmers. This agrarian reform was instituted between 1946 and
1948. As a result, Japan’s land-holding gentry class was virtually eliminated,
and the lives of tenant farmers were much improved. Taiseki-ji
had owned a vast tract of farmland donated by its patrons, which it had rented
out to farmers for hundreds of bushels of rice per year. The head temple had
long depended on the income from this farmland for its operation. So when it
lost that farmland in the post-war agrarian reform, the priesthood faced severe
financial hardship. The chief priests of the lodging temples on the head temple
grounds had to cultivate empty lots and hillsides themselves for meagre crops -
just enough to keep them from starvation. They did not have enough money to buy
candles for the altars. In this dire financial situation, the Nichiren Shoshu
priesthood appealed desperately to its parishioners for more financial support.
In November 1950, the priesthood decided to promote Taiseki-ji as a
tourist attraction to generate additional income and held a conference at the
reception hall to discuss how. Besides representatives of the priesthood, the
mayor of Fujinomiya, the chief of Ueno Village, executives of Fujinomiya’s
tourist association and local news reporters attended the conference. During
the conference, participants discussed concrete plans to promote tourism at
Taiseki-ji. For example, a scenic road, a tourist information centre at the head
temple’s Sanmon Gate and a new lodging facility were suggested. It was also
proposed that Taiseki-ji hold a dance to attract young people in the spring and
autumn. During
the war, the priesthood curried favour with the military regime and compromised
the Daishonin’s teaching as part of its wartime strategy to survive. And it
nearly led to ruin. The priesthood’s plan to promote the head temple as a
tourist attraction, however, tells us that it learned little about the
importance of upholding the integrity of Buddhism from its wartime experience. Toda
was enraged to hear about the priesthood’s plan, stating that tourists who
were not seeking the Gohonzon must not be allowed on the head temple grounds.
His strong opposition prevented the plan from being realised. To relieve the
head temple of its financial burden, Toda decided to organise group pilgrimages
of Gakkai members. This was in spite of the fact that the number of Gakkai
members at the time was relatively small, and their financial prospects were no
more hopeful than that of the priesthood. Toda often expressed his belief that
when the true Law is about to be obscured and driven to extinction, that is
precisely the time for its true development and broad propagation to begin.
Towards 1952, which marked the beginning of the 700th year since the Daishonin
established his Buddhism in 1253, Toda emphasised the necessity of spreading the
Daishonin’s Buddhism and urged Gakkai members to awaken to their mission as
the Bodhisattvas of the Earth.
TOP - INDEX The
celebration to commemorate the establishment of the Daishonin’s Buddhism was
held at Taiseki-ji on April 27 and 28, 1952. Attended by 4,000 Gakkai members,
the event was unprecedented in scale for both the priesthood and the Gakkai at
that time. To commemorate the occasion, on April 24, the Soka Gakkai published The
Collected Writings of Nichiren Daishonin (Nichiren Daishonin Gosho Zenshu),
which had been edited by Nichiko Hori, the retired fifty-ninth high priest and
renowned historian of Nichiren Daishonin’s Buddhism. The
publication of the Daishonin’s writings marked the beginning of the Gakkai’s
broad-based study movement, solidifying the Gakkai’s philosophical foundation.
In his preface to The Collected Writings, Toda compares Buddhist study to
the strict discipline of swordsmanship (Gosho Zenshu, p. 1). Toda was
passionate about the importance of Buddhist study in one’s practice. On
the evening of April 27, during commemorative activities at the head temple,
Soka Gakkai youth division members found out that Jimon Ogasawara was also
staying at the head temple. During World War II, Ogasawara had propounded the
erroneous doctrine that regarded the Buddha as a transient manifestation of the
Shinto goddess in order to curry favour with the Japan’s militaristic regime.
He also worked to induce the government to persecute the Gakkai, leading to the
imprisonment of Makiguchi and Toda. Ogasawara’s presence at the head temple on
this auspicious occasion came as a great surprise to the youth division members
because he had been long expelled from the priesthood (see chapter 11 for more
details). The youth division
members met Ogasawara at one of the lodging temples on the head temple grounds
and refuted his erroneous doctrine. Then they escorted him to the grave of
Makiguchi where he wrote a letter of apology to the Daishonin for distorting the
Daishonin’s teachings. This is known as the Ogasawara incident. During
the war, Ogasawara pushed for the merger of Nichiren Shoshu and the Minobu-based
Nichiren School. He was said to have had a secret agreement with the Nichiren
School that allegedly promised him the position of general administrator or the
chief priest position at Taiseki-ji or Seicho-ji. Furthermore, Ogasawara
attempted to have High Priest Nikkyo arrested on the charge of treason.
Ironically, Ogasawara’s attempt to take control of the head temple encouraged
the Nichiren Shoshu priesthood to go further astray from the Daishonin’s
Buddhism and support Shintoism and the government’s war efforts. Since
Ogasawara corrupted the Daishonin’s Buddhism, incited persecutions against the
Soka Gakkai, and attempted to control the head temple for personal gain, he
should have been condemned as an enemy not only to the Daishonin’s Buddhism
and the Gakkai but also to the priesthood. When
youth division members reprimanded Ogasawara’s offences at the head temple,
however, the priesthood was not pleased. Though it was a sincere action to
protect the integrity of the Daishonin’s Buddhism, the head temple
administration regarded the incident as the disruption of an auspicious
celebration. It also viewed the Gakkai’s refutation of Ogasawara as
challenging the high priest’s prerogative to decide what is orthodox and what
is heretical. The Nichiren Shoshu executive priests thought that it was utterly
inappropriate for lay believers to refute any priest who had been ordained under
the high priest’s authority. Put simply, the incident was viewed as arrogance
of challenge by lay believers towards the authority of the priesthood as well as
the high priest. Many
priests throughout Japan expressed their discontent. For example, the chief
priest of the Osaka area parish issued a letter of protest against the Soka
Gakkai on May 13, condemning its action as ‘an insult to the entire
priesthood’. The parish of the Kyushu area passed a resolution on May 21
calling for disciplinary action to be taken against the Soka Gakkai. While the
priesthood never publicly condemned Ogasawara for his wartime behaviour, it
severely attacked the Soka Gakkai’s action as an ‘insult’ to the
priesthood. The priesthood’s emotional reaction to the Ogasawara incident was
clearly a reflection of its deep-seated insecurity and need to maintain a sense
of superiority over the laity. In
the middle of May, following the incident, the priesthood published the April
issue of Dai-Nichiren, its official monthly magazine. This belated April
issue contained notice of Ogasawara’s reinstatement, as of April 5, into the
priesthood. In other words, the priesthood retroactively admitted Ogasawara to
the priesthood after the incident. This provided a pretext for accusing the Soka
Gakkai of criticising a Nichiren Shoshu priest on the head temple grounds. Actually
Ogasawara was reinstated into the priesthood soon after the war. On March 31,
1946, Nichiman, the sixty-third high priest, restored Ogasawara’s status as a
Nichiren Shoshu priest. His reinstatement was public knowledge within the
priesthood as he ran for a position on the Nichiren Shoshu council in 1947.
According to an April 28, 1947, publication, Ogasawara was not elected. However,
when the Soka Gakkai inquired about Ogasawara’s status, the priesthood on
numerous occasions denied that he was a Nichiren Shoshu priest. For example, the
May 1951 issue of Dai-Nichiren contains the following notice from the Nichiren
Shoshu administrative office: ‘The Seikyo Shimbun reported that a
priest who had filed a suit against High Priest Nikkyo Suzuki and attempted to
disband Nichiren Shoshu still remains at the head temple. It must be clarified,
however, that there is no such priest among the Nichiren Shoshu priesthood.’
So naturally when the incident took place, none of the Soka Gakkai members
thought that Ogasawara was a Nichiren Shoshu priest. On
June 28, 1952, the Nichiren Shoshu council met to discuss the Ogasawara
incident. The council passed a resolution calling on Toda to submit a letter of
apology to the head temple through the chief priest of the branch temple to
which he belonged and ordered his dismissal from the position of chief lay
representative, barring him from visiting the head temple. Outraged
by this resolution, the Soka Gakkai youth division visited the council members
one by one and tried to convince them of the unjust nature of their decision.
Through their efforts, the situation gradually improved. On July 24, Nissho, the
sixty-fourth high priest, issued a written admonition to Toda. In response, Toda
submitted a letter of apology, in which he expressed his confidence in the
action taken by the youth division. He states in the letter: ‘When we see
those in our school who are weak in their faith in the great pure Law and
leaning towards slander of the Law, because we keep the teachings of Nichiren
Daishonin and Nikko Shonin deep in our hearts...we tend to be uncompromising in
our battle.... Since I believe that our action did not contradict the golden
words of the Daishonin and Nikko Shonin in the slightest, I am not ashamed to
call myself a believer of Nichiren Shoshu before the Gohonzon. Therefore, I will
not resign from the position of chief lay representative.’ Later
Ogasawara lodged a complaint with police against Soka Gakkai leaders, including
Toda, and a police investigation of the incident followed. However, Ogasawara
filed a complaint also against the high priest, and as a result he was strongly
criticised within Nichiren Shoshu. Eventually he retracted his complaints. Even
after he had caused so much turmoil, the priesthood took no disciplinary action
against Ogasawara. The Ogasawara
incident highlighted the priesthood’s desire to protect its authority at all
costs, as well as its tendency to look condescendingly upon lay believers.
Instead of making the Daishonin’s teachings a guideline for its behaviour, the
priesthood had allowed its decisions to be driven by these baser motives.
Another reason why the priesthood reacted so emotionally to the incident was its
fear of being accused of the same crime as Ogasawara’s. The priesthood was
afraid that if it allowed the Gakkai to rebuke Ogasawara for his actions during
the war, it would be subjected to the same criticism due to its wartime support
for Shintoism and the military regime. In short, the priesthood wanted to
protect itself against any possible criticism from the laity. This
incident, however, did not in the least shake the Gakkai’s confidence in the
Daishonin’s teaching or its movement to spread it. When Toda heard about the
council resolution to prohibit him from visiting the head temple, he said: ‘It
is all right if they want to bar me from visiting the head temple. It is not
that we cannot attain enlightenment unless we go to the head temple. The
Daishonin’s writings clearly explain this principle.’ In
August 1952, the Soka Gakkai was incorporated as an independent religious
organisation. Toda was keenly aware of the priesthood’s authoritarianism and
its limitations in terms of its ability and sense of responsibility for the
spread of the Daishonin’s Buddhism. With incorporation, the Soka Gakkai’s
propagation efforts made further progress as it could now take the initiative
and full responsibility for its actions. Although
the Gakkai made efforts to spread the Daishonin’s Buddhism, the priesthood was
not cooperative. Most Nichiren Shoshu priests did not understand the Gakkai’s
earnest efforts in propagation. Many were even critical. In those early days of
the Soka Gakkai’s development, there were about one hundred branch temples in
Japan and ten in Tokyo. Only two temples in Tokyo were willing to conduct
initiation ceremonies for new converts introduced by Soka Gakkai members. As the
Gakkai conducted its propagation nationwide, more branch temples gradually
started to conduct initiation ceremonies. Because
there were virtually no new converts before the existence of the Soka Gakkai,
Nichiren Shoshu priests were not accustomed to conducting initiation ceremonies.
(Most parishioners and their families had belonged to Nichiren Shoshu temples
for generations, and as such, had been considered believers since birth.) As
more people took faith in the Daishonin’s Buddhism, President Makiguchi saw
practical merit in a solemn ceremony to encourage new converts in their new
faith and draw a distinction between the Daishonin’s Buddhism and their
previous religious affiliation. In
the Daishonin’s Buddhism, however, embracing the Gohonzon in and of itself is
to accept the supreme Buddhist precept. So the ceremony was not strictly
necessary. When the Daishonin’s Buddhism spread rapidly after the war due to
the Gakkai’s efforts, not many priests knew how to conduct initiation
ceremonies, and sometimes Gakkai leaders had to assist priests in doing so. Furthermore,
as many Gakkai members were well versed in the lessons taught by Nichiren
Daishonin, new members were encouraged to remove objects of other Buddhist
beliefs so that they might not be confused about their fundamental object of
devotion, which is the Gohonzon. The priesthood, however, remained lax in this
area. For example, some lodging temples on the head temple grounds continued to
enshrine the Shinto talisman even after the Gakkai’s organised pilgrimages had
begun. As late as the mid 1950s, Soka Gakkai youth division members encouraged
one lodging temple to remove a Shinto talisman. Inspired
by Soka Gakkai members, certain priests removed objects of other faiths from
their temples. For example, in 1953, the chief priest of Myofuku-ji in Fukushima
Prefecture removed various Buddhist statues that had been kept at the temple for
the past 600 years. The temple members, whose families had belonged to the
parish for many generations, however, fiercely opposed the removal of those
religious objects. On the nights of April 18 and 19, 1953, a mob of those
disgruntled temple believers stormed the temple, throwing stones and vandalising
the grounds. The police were called, and criminal charges were filed. Later,
twenty-two temple members were expelled from Nichiren Shoshu. Like
Myofuku-ji, many branch temples, especially those in northeastern Japan, had
kept religious objects from other Buddhist sects for centuries. Also many temple
believers living in the vicinity of the head temple enshrined the objects of
other faiths and thus drew Gakkai members’ attention. But the priesthood took
no significant action regarding this. Although the head temple professed strict adherence to
the Daishonin’s and Nikko Shonin’s teachings in matters of Buddhist
doctrine, it continued to allow its branch temples and parishioners to enshrine
objects of other faiths. In this regard, Nichiko Hori, the fifty-ninth high
priest, states: ‘Those who appear to be strict with regard to the slander of
the Law yet are lenient in reality are monstrous’ (Essential Writings of
the Fuji School, vol. 1, p. 153). While
the Soka Gakkai continued to spread the Daishonin’s Buddhism, it also began
making many contributions to the priesthood. On the head temple grounds, Gakkai
members’ financial contributions made possible the restoration of the
five-storied pagoda, the repair of the Somon Gate, the construction of Hoan-den,
the construction and renovation of lodging temples, the construction of the
Grand Lecture Hall, and so on. Furthermore,
numerous branch temples were constructed and donated by the Gakkai. With the
rapid progress of propagation, the priesthood soon attained an unprecedented
level of prosperity. The post-war restoration of the priesthood was made
possible solely through the Soka Gakkai’s efforts. In this regard, Nichiko
Hori once said to Toda: ‘Mr Toda, if it weren’t for you, Nichiren Shoshu
would have already collapsed.’ With
the advent of the Soka Gakkai and its rapid development after World War II, a
new era of the Daishonin’s Buddhism was unfolding. On New Years Day in 1956,
Nichijun, the sixty-fifth high priest, stated: ‘When I look back over the last
700 years and compare them with our circumstances today, it is apparent that we
have undergone a great transformation; a new era in history has been created.
That is, through the propagation of the Soka Gakkai, the True Law has spread
throughout the nation. The unprecedented expansion of our order is being
realised. In this regard, future historians will probably define the first seven
hundred years [since the Daishonin’s establishment of his Buddhism] as an era
of protection by the priesthood, and the era thereafter as an era of spread and
propagation’ (Complete Works of High Priest Nichijun, p. 1620). Nichijun
continues: ‘Seven hundred years after the Daishonin’s establishment of his
Buddhism, wide-scale propagation began. The current propagation of the True Law
seems to hold profound promise. In this regard, I sense something extraordinary
about the Soka Gakkai’s appearance, about its relationship with the Buddha’
(Ibid., p. 1622). Nichijun realised that the priesthood’s role to preserve the
Daishonin’s teaching was ending and the Soka Gakkai’s era of propagation had
begun. Nichijun stated at the seventh Soka Gakkai general meeting on December 7,
1952: ‘I entrust the great propagation of the Law to the members of the Soka
Gakkai’ (Ibid., p. 308). This statement, leaving the spread of the
Daishonin’s teachings to Gakkai members, apparently arose from Nichijun’s
awareness of the priesthood’s lack of ability in spreading Buddhism on its
own. On
March 11, 1955, the Soka Gakkai had an official debate with the Minobu-based
Nichiren School in Otaru, Hokkaido. Instructed by Toda, the Gakkai
representatives completely refuted the Minobu Nichiren School’s distortions of
the Daishonin’s Buddhism. While the priesthood was unable to represent itself
in debate, the Gakkai clearly validated the correct teaching of the Daishonin
through its outstanding grasp of Buddhist teachings. On
September 8, 1957, during a youth division athletic meet in Yokohama, Toda made
a historic declaration against the use of nuclear weapons, urging the young
people present to communicate the Daishonin’s emphasis on the respect for life
and bringing lasting peace to the entire world. With his anti-nuclear
declaration, Toda laid the philosophical foundation for the SGI’s movement to
promote peace and culture based on Buddhism. By the end of 1957, the Gakkai’s
membership grew to over 760,000 households, surpassing Toda’s lifelong goal of
750,000 households and thereby solidifying the foundation of the spread of the
Daishonin’s Buddhism in Japan. His goal complete, Toda died on April 2, 1958.
He was 58. At the eighteenth Soka Gakkai general meeting held immediately after
Toda’s death, on May 3, 1958, High Priest Nichijun stated: In
the Lotus Sutra, great bodhisattvas equal in number to the grains of sand of
sixty-thousand Ganges rivers, led by four leaders including the foremost,
Bodhisattva Superior Practices, gather at the assembly of Eagle Peak and pledge
to spread Myoho-renge-kyo in the Latter Day of the Law. Those bodhisattvas are
now appearing as they promised at the assembly of Eagle Peak. It
was President Toda who, as their leader, called forth those bodhisattvas; it was
in the Soka Gakkai that they gathered. In other words, it was President Toda who
manifested the five and seven characters of Myoho-renge-kyo as 750,000
[bodhisattvas]’ (Complete Works of High Priest Nichijun, p. 357). As Nichijun eulogised, Toda, inheriting the will of his mentor, Makiguchi, had reconstructed the Soka Gakkai and laid the foundation for the spread of the Law in Japan in accord with the teachings of the Daishonin and Nikko Shonin. If you would like to download this chapter please click here |